This is an opening chapter — a working draft to be built on, in the way the Harcourt Street, Parnell, Padden Brook and A555 books were built: piece by piece, document by document, as more material and Freedom of Information responses come in. It sets out what is publicly known, what has been asked, and what remains to be answered. Where I raise a question rather than an allegation, that is deliberate — the facts as they stand raise the question; they do not yet answer it.
Chapter One: A Very Fast Rise
In May 2024, Michaela Meikle was elected to Stockport Council for the first time, as one of three councillors representing Marple North. Within a comparatively short space of time she held the Cabinet portfolio for Economy, Regeneration & Skills — a role that carries oversight of, among other things, the £20 million Capital Levelling Up Fund grant behind the Marple Active Communities Hub.
Her public profile emphasises local roots, schooling and community involvement. It does not, as far as I have been able to establish, set out a professional or leadership background of the kind that would ordinarily be expected of someone holding a multi-million-pound capital portfolio. That may simply be an omission from a councillor’s public biography — many are thin on this kind of detail — but it is a fair question to ask, and I intend to ask it formally, through the Council’s own procedures, rather than simply assert an answer.
Council leaders will no doubt point out, correctly, that Cabinet members are supported by experienced officers — in this case Paul Richards, Deputy Chief Executive for Development & Regeneration — and that major decisions go through the full Cabinet. That is the process working as designed. Whether it is working as intended, in this instance, is a separate question, and one this book will try to answer with documents rather than assumptions.
Chapter Two: A Prosperous Suburb, a Levelling Up Grant
Marple is not, on any conventional measure, a deprived part of Stockport. It has two railway stations, a low crime rate, strong community groups, sought-after schools, canal walks, and among the highest property values in the borough. The Levelling Up Fund was conceived, at least in its public framing, to direct capital toward places facing economic hardship or chronic underinvestment.
The Council’s successful case for Marple was not built on deprivation statistics. It was built around the loss of a local facility — Marple Baths closed in 2018 — recast in the language the fund’s assessors were known to respond to: reduced access to essential services, health inequalities, regeneration potential. That is not, in itself, improper; bid-writing to a known assessment framework is what every council under this fund did. But it is worth setting down plainly what happened, because the next part of the timeline is the part that needs explaining.
Chapter Three: Rejected, Then Suddenly Not
The Department for Levelling Up, Housing & Communities announced the results of Round 2 of the Levelling Up Fund on 19 January 2023, allocating £2.1 billion across 111 successful bids. Marple’s was not among them. Council leaders were, by their own account, furious at what they took to be a snub, having been encouraged, they said, to resubmit a strengthened proposal.
“The reasoning behind the rapid about-face appears to be a mystery to town hall bosses, who have greeted the decision with jubilation but no little bafflement.” — contemporary press coverage of the reversal
Weeks later, in the Spring Budget of 15 March 2023, Stockport was awarded the £20 million after all — one of only three levelling-up capital projects in the North West to share in £58 million set aside in that Budget. Council leader Mark Hunter called it “great news for Marple and for Stockport.” Nobody in the published record has ever satisfactorily explained why a bid that failed the Department’s own competitive process in January succeeded, at full value, via a Budget announcement in March.
That gap — between a competitive process that said no, and a Budget line that said yes — is where this book starts.
Chapter Four: Anwar Majothi and the Department
Readers of the earlier books will recognise the name. Anwar Majothi spent fifteen years, from 2007 to 2022, as Stockport Council’s Corporate and Central Complaints Manager — the officer responsible for handling, among a great deal else, my own complaints and Freedom of Information requests about Vale View School, the A555, and the Council’s conduct more generally. I have called him, more than once, “Stockport Council’s Don’t Bring Your Complaints To Me Officer,” and I stand by the description.
According to the record I hold, Mr Majothi became a Senior Adviser at the Department for Levelling Up, Housing & Communities in June 2023 — three months after the Marple award was confirmed in the Budget. On the dates I can currently verify, that puts him outside the Department at the point the decision was actually reversed, which is a fact worth stating clearly rather than glossing over. It does not answer the question of what contact, formal or informal, he may have had with the Department before his official start date, nor does it explain the reversal itself. Both are now the subject of formal Freedom of Information requests, to the Department and to Stockport Council, asking for his exact start date and role history, and for any correspondence naming him in connection with the bid.
I want to be precise about what is and is not being said here. I am not asserting that Mr Majothi personally arranged £20 million for Marple. I am asserting that a long-serving Stockport officer with an established history — set out at length in the earlier books — of managing complaints in ways that consistently favoured the Council, went on to a senior role at the very Department that reversed its own funding decision in the Council’s favour, and that the public record currently contains no explanation of the reversal at all. That is a legitimate question for a local paper to ask. It is the Department’s and the Council’s job to answer it, not mine to assume the answer in advance of the documents.
Chapter Five: The Family Question
There is a further, more delicate strand, which this book will only run if and when it can be documented properly: the suggestion, put to me directly, that Cllr Meikle’s rapid elevation to a major Cabinet portfolio is connected to a family relationship with another Cabinet member. I have not yet seen documentary evidence either way, and I will not print an assumption dressed as a finding. What I have done is ask, formally, for the Council’s own record of how and why the appointment was made — who decided it, and on what basis — through the Freedom of Information request drafted alongside this chapter. Until that comes back, this remains a question, not a claim.
Chapter Six: What Happens Next
This book, like the others, will be built from primary documents as they arrive, not from assumption. The immediate next steps are:
• A meeting with Luke Green at Stockport Council to view the underlying Marple Hub files in person, as requested by letter.
• A Freedom of Information request to MHCLG (successor department to DLUHC) for the internal record of the January-to-March 2023 reversal, and for Anwar Majothi’s employment start date and role history.
As with Harcourt Street, Padden Brook, Parnell and the A555, the pattern I am testing for is not a single smoking document but a repeated one: decisions taken with unusual speed, oversight that turns out on inspection to be thinner than advertised, and a Council machine — Vicki Bates’s office chief among them — that has a long history, set out at length elsewhere in this series, of telling me I have no right to ask. I take that, as ever, with a Nantwich of salt (to quote Nancy Banks-Smith).
Dear Sheila Oliver,
Thank you for your Information Request of 21 September 2026 requesting:
Under the Freedom of Information Act 2000, please provide the following information held by your Department (formerly DLUHC, now MHCLG) relating to the Levelling Up Fund Round 2 award to Stockport Council for the Marple Active Communities Hub (Marple, Greater Manchester):
1. All internal correspondence, submissions, ministerial advice, case notes and decision records concerning the Stockport/Marple bid between 1 January 2023 and 31 March 2023, including any material relating to its initial exclusion from the 19 January 2023 Round 2 announcement and its subsequent inclusion in the funding confirmed around the Spring Budget on 15 March 2023.
2. An explanation, with supporting documentation, of the process and criteria by which the Marple bid moved from not being funded on 19 January 2023 to being awarded £20 million by 15 March 2023, including who took that decision and on what basis.
3. The employment start date, job title(s) and role history of Anwar Majothi within the Department (DLUHC/MHCLG), including whether he held any role, formal or informal, advisory or otherwise, in relation to the Department’s work before his confirmed start date, and whether he had any involvement – direct or indirect – in the assessment, scoring, or decision-making concerning the Marple/Stockport Levelling Up Fund bid at any stage.
4. Any register of interests, conflict-of-interest declarations, or due diligence records held for Anwar Majothi in connection with his prior 15-year employment at Stockport Metropolitan Borough Council.
We will aim to send you a response by 19th October 2026.
If you have any questions, please ask by return email. Please leave the subject line unchanged when replying, to make sure your email gets straight to us.
Complaint about Stockport Metropolitan Borough Council: a sustained pattern of disproportionate and procedurally improper use of “vexatious” and “unreasonable actions” designations against a resident spanning more than a decade and multiple unrelated matters
I am writing to make a formal complaint about Stockport Metropolitan Borough Council (“the Council”). This complaint concerns the Council’s own conduct and administrative practice — specifically, its repeated, longstanding, and in my view disproportionate use of “vexatious” (under FOIA/EIR) and “unreasonable actions” designations against me, across multiple, factually unconnected matters, over a period of more than a decade.
I want to be clear at the outset about what I am, and am not, asking the Ombudsman to do, because I understand jurisdictional boundaries matter to how this complaint should be handled.
What I am not asking
I am not asking the Ombudsman to overturn any specific decision made by the Information Commissioner’s Office, or any specific “vexatious” finding made by the Council under section 14(1) of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 or regulation 12(4)(b) of the Environmental Information Regulations 2004. I understand that individual FOIA/EIR refusals have their own statutory route of challenge (internal review, then complaint to the ICO, then appeal to the First-tier Tribunal (Information Rights)), and I have pursued that route separately where appropriate.
What I am asking
I am asking the Ombudsman to investigate the Council’s own administrative conduct: specifically, whether the Council has repeatedly applied “vexatious”/”unreasonable actions” labels to me in a way that is disproportionate, inconsistent with its own published policy, and not properly evidenced on a case-by-case basis, and whether this amounts to maladministration causing me a significant and continuing injustice. This is a complaint about process and conduct, not about the merits of any single FOIA/EIR decision.
Summary of the pattern
Over more than fifteen years, I have raised concerns with the Council about several entirely separate matters: land contamination and school safety at the former Harcourt Street site (Vale View Primary School, North Reddish); the Council’s treatment of the late Michael Parnell; and, most recently, planning enforcement and protected woodland at Padden Brook, Romiley. In each case, my questions, FOI/EIR requests, and formal complaints have at various points been labelled “vexatious” or treated as “unreasonably persistent,” resulting in restrictions on how and whether I could communicate with the Council. In several instances, matters I raised and was told were vexatious, unfounded, or not the Council’s responsibility were later shown to be correct — including undersizing of Vale View Primary School (later admitted in a Council report), road safety dangers at the same site (later the subject of police intervention and remedial works), and land protections at Padden Brook (which the Council initially denied existed at all, before admitting the land carries three separate protected designations).
I set out the two clearest documented threads below. I have substantially more material, including correspondence, FOI/EIR decision notices, ICO case references and Council policy documents, which I can provide in full.
Thread one: Harcourt Street / Vale View Primary School (2012–2019)
13 November 2012: a letter from the Council (Jonathan Vali, cc Steve Houston) confirmed the Council Leader personally decided a question I had submitted about Vale View was “vexatious” and blocked it from that month’s Executive meeting.
21 June 2012 and 20 December 2012: further letters confirm additional questions were separately ruled vexatious by the Council Solicitor and not put to committee.
13 June 2013: a further question, about sports facilities/fields at Harcourt Street, was ruled vexatious by the Chair and not put to the Executive Meeting.
13 July 2012: on the same day the Council Solicitor again called my questions “vexatious,” a comparable site elsewhere had to be evacuated for landfill gas — the same category of risk I had been raising about Harcourt Street for approximately six years.
I subsequently learned that at least one of the officers involved in labelling my Harcourt Street/Vale View concerns “vexatious” (as far back as 2019) has since gone on to apply the same designation to my separate and unconnected Padden Brook correspondence.
I complained to the Local Government Ombudsman previously about this matter; the caseworker (Chris Upjohn) found nothing wrong. I respectfully consider that this earlier LGO review did not have before it the fuller pattern now evidenced, spanning a second, unrelated site more than a decade later.
Thread two: Padden Brook (2024–2026)
A formal complaint I submitted to the Council on 21 August 2026 about prolonged delay in planning enforcement at Padden Brook (raised initially more than two years earlier) received a reply from Vicki Bates, Chief Governance Officer and Monitoring Officer, on 24 August 2026, confirming that all my FOI/EIR requests concerning Padden Brook are treated as vexatious and will not even be acknowledged, and that all other correspondence on the subject will be treated as “unreasonably persistent” under the Council’s own Unacceptable Actions by Complainants Policy (April 2026), with my emails diverted to an inbox read only periodically.
The Council’s own April 2026 policy states that such restrictions should be a “last resort,” and must be tailored and proportionate rather than blanket (I understand this to be reflected in sections 2.2, 3.6, 9.1, 9.4, 10.1, 10.2 and 14 of that policy). I do not consider the restriction imposed on me meets that standard: it is a blanket restriction covering an entire subject area rather than a tailored response to specific conduct, and it was imposed alongside a refusal to specify which of my communications were said to be “abusive and defamatory.”
An internal review of an earlier Padden Brook EIR request (ref IR 101007866729, on request ref EIR 101007834786), completed 1 July 2025 by the Council’s Information Governance Manager, upheld a vexatious refusal citing approximately 230 emails sent since August 2024. I do not accept that volume of correspondence alone, on a matter of ongoing and unresolved concern which the Council itself took months to answer even once, establishes vexatiousness — nor does it, in my submission, justify extending that designation to every future communication on the subject without individual assessment.
The Council’s own correspondence (an 8 October 2024 email prepared by the then Chief Planning Officer) subsequently admitted that the Padden Brook woodland is a Local Wildlife Site under the local plan, and that a 1974 planning refusal on the same land had already identified it as protected amenity land — directly contradicting the Council’s earlier position, given to me, that the land had no protection at all.
Separately, I am the Editor of a local newspaper (the Romiley Gazette). A number of the communications counted against me by the Council as “unreasonably persistent” were, in substance, standard pre-publication requests for comment sent to the Council before running a story — ordinary journalistic practice, not a personal grievance campaign.
Why I consider this maladministration causing injustice
The Council has applied the same serious label — vexatious / unreasonably persistent — to me across at least three unconnected subject areas, over more than a decade, including via officers who moved between cases. I consider this indicates an institutional practice of using the label to manage a persistent critic, rather than a genuine, individualised assessment of each request’s merits, as the Council’s own policy requires.
In multiple instances, the substance of what I was raising was later shown to be correct (school undersizing, road safety risk, and the existence of protected land status at Padden Brook), which I submit is directly relevant to whether the underlying communications were genuinely vexatious or were, in fact, legitimate and ultimately vindicated scrutiny.
The restrictions imposed have a serious practical effect: my correspondence is diverted to an inbox read only periodically, meaning urgent matters (including, at Padden Brook, an active risk to a retaining wall supporting a road serving some twenty-four homes) may not receive timely attention.
As a working citizen journalist, being formally branded vexatious by the local authority I report on is professionally damaging in a way that goes beyond the inconvenience to an ordinary resident.
What I am asking the Ombudsman to do
Investigate whether the Council’s use of “vexatious”/”unreasonable actions” designations against me, considered as a pattern across the Harcourt Street and Padden Brook matters (and any other instances the Council’s own records may show), amounts to maladministration.
Consider whether the Council has complied with its own Unacceptable Actions by Complainants Policy (April 2026), in particular its requirements that restrictions be a last resort, tailored, proportionate, and individually assessed rather than applied blanket to an entire subject area.
If maladministration is found, recommend an appropriate remedy. I would ask that any recommended remedy specifically include the Council writing to the Information Commissioner’s Office to correct the record as to the history of my requests being treated as vexatious, and lifting or substantially narrowing the current communications restriction so that individual future requests are assessed on their own merits.
I recognise the Ombudsman cannot itself direct the ICO’s own assessment of any live or future FOIA/EIR request. My request is that the Council be required to communicate accurately with the ICO about the Council’s own conduct, as a remedy for the Council’s maladministration — not that the Ombudsman substitute its judgment for the ICO’s on any FOIA/EIR matter.
Steps already taken
I have raised each underlying matter with the Council directly and, where relevant, sought internal review of FOI/EIR refusals.
I submitted a separate complaint to the Ombudsman on 24 August 2026 specifically about the Padden Brook planning enforcement delay and the communications restriction; I would ask that this new, wider complaint be read alongside that one, or that the two be considered together, as they concern the same underlying pattern of conduct.
I have separately raised the Padden Brook EIR handling with the Information Commissioner’s Office.
I have written previously, on more than one occasion, directly to the Information Commissioner about the pattern of vexatious designations, without a substantive reply.
Enclosures available on request
13 November 2012, 21 June 2012, 20 December 2012 and 13 June 2013 Council letters confirming Harcourt Street questions ruled vexatious
21 August 2026 Stage 1 complaint to the Council re Padden Brook, and Vicki Bates’ reply of 24 August 2026
The Council’s Unacceptable Actions by Complainants Policy (April 2026)
1 July 2025 internal review decision (ref IR 101007866729) upholding a vexatious EIR refusal
8 October 2024 Council email admitting Padden Brook’s protected status
Correspondence with the Information Commissioner
I am happy to provide any of the above in full, along with further supporting documentation, on request. Given the volume of material I hold across both matters, I would welcome the opportunity to discuss with a caseworker how best to present it for the investigation.
To local historian Ray Preston, who tried so hard for Offerton.
Also by this Author
Vexatious? Moi? (Book One): Harcourt Street
Vexatious? Moi? (Book Two): Padden Brook
Vexatious? Moi? (Book Three): The Bent Bypass
Vexatious? Moi? (Book Four): Sandringham Road
Learning Law From a Lawless Council (Stockport)
Chapter One: A Precinct Left to Rot
By Easter 2012, when this author photographed it, Offerton Shopping Precinct had been owned by Tenbest Limited since the 1990s — and had, over that time, been allowed to slide into a state of serious disrepair. Broken shopfronts, neglected fabric, a site plainly not being looked after by an owner with any apparent interest in its upkeep.
It would be easy to assume such neglect was simply carelessness. The truth, as this book sets out, looks rather more deliberate: a precinct run down long enough, and hard enough, that compulsory purchase and redevelopment came to look not like a last resort, but like the plan all along.
Chapter Two: Who Actually Owns Offerton Precinct?
Tenbest Limited, incorporated on 27 March 1996, sits at the near end of a long and deliberately tangled corporate chain. Behind it: Citylake Investments Ltd (1978), whose sole shareholder is Wickpoint Ltd; Agra Ltd (1983), with eleven shareholders; Strongpark Ltd (2007), wholly owned by Agra; and Landmaster Properties Ltd (1997), whose sole named shareholder is Salomon Noe, and which alone controls nineteen subsidiaries, with reported assets of roughly £114.8 million set against liabilities of some £730.7 million.
Beneath Landmaster sits a very long tail of small, single-purpose subsidiary companies, many named after specific shop addresses scattered across the UK — a good number of them showing minimal capital, no group companies of their own, and no discoverable website. Individually, none of this proves anything. Collectively, it is the corporate architecture of a company that does not especially want to be looked at closely.
Named individuals connected to a cluster of these companies — Kewbridge Ltd, Headstates Ltd, Hillington Ltd, Iverlex Ltd, Nextbourne Ltd — include Etelka Noe, Philip Noe, Salomon Noe (81, British), Leopold Noe, and a trust named for a further family member. Also named in the records: Charles Lerner and Mark Cymerman of Marcus King & Co LLP. A separate connected entity, the Chedva Charitable Trust, also appears in the picture.
The registered address for many of these companies is a small lock-up shop, reached through a tiny side door, in North London — a striking contrast with the considerably grander premises the group’s auditors, Venitt and Greaves, present on their own website.
This author does not claim to have proven wrongdoing here. What she has are pointed, unanswered questions: why investment properties in the accounts show no depreciation at historic versus market value; why staff costs and directors’ remuneration are absent from some of the filings; how RBS came to lend the group tens of millions of pounds; and what a suspiciously round £500,000 entry for “other operating income” in the 2009 accounts actually represents. Stockport Council, in choosing Tenbest as its partner for this site, chose to ask none of these questions either.
Chapter Three: The Garage That Fought Back
Lisburne Garage had traded successfully on the Precinct for twenty-five years when its owners were told their premises would be compulsorily purchased and handed to the Precinct’s owners for redevelopment.
Rather than accept this quietly, the garage’s owners — trading as the Lisburne Group — put forward their own, consultation-led redevelopment scheme. Local people backed it: they wanted to keep the Indian restaurant, the pharmacy, the convenience store, the vets — the actual fabric of a working local centre — and did not want a very large store, nor more housing, imposed on top of it. The application drew over four hundred objections when it eventually came before the planning committee.
The Council was not interested. It insisted on a large store instead, for which, this author notes, no end-user ever actually materialised at the time the insistence was made.
What this author discovered much later, buried in the CPO documents themselves, puts the Lisburne Group’s treatment in a considerably darker light. A covenant exists on the Precinct land at Amlwch Avenue expressly prohibiting the erection of detached or semi-detached private dwellings, blocks of flats, or any building for residential use only. In other words: the Council’s planning department and committee appear to have let the Lisburne Group spend years, and thousands of pounds, on surveys and consultants for a scheme that — because it touched on residential use — could very possibly never have been permitted in the first place, before finally refusing it.
Somewhere else in the Council’s own public statements sits the claim that “the owners of the Precinct have long had a planning permission to build housing on the site.” Reconciling that claim with a covenant expressly forbidding residential-only buildings on the same land is, this author admits, beyond her. One of the two statements is simply not true.
A property professional this author spoke to, while purchasing an Ordnance Survey map, put the pattern rather more bluntly: when a council doesn’t want a scheme to go ahead, it demands ever more expensive reports and keeps moving the goalposts until the applicant’s money runs out. The Lisburne Group, to their credit, did not give up quietly — this was about more than money or lost business to them, which is precisely why they went to the local community to ask what people actually wanted to see on the site. They did not have to do that. The Council did not extend them the same courtesy in return.
Chapter Four: An Interview “Sent” Under Caution
A Freedom of Information response (ref FOI 6106, received 21 September 2012) sets out the Council’s own account of a decade spent “approaching” Tenbest about the Precinct’s condition. It confirms that a notice under section 59 of the Environmental Protection Act was served on 22 March 2011, and that the owners were sent “a written interview under caution” on 14 November 2011.
Quite how an interview is conducted by post, this author leaves to the reader’s imagination.
Planning Enforcement separately wrote — the FOI response does not say precisely when — under section 215 of the Town and Country Planning Act, listing required improvements. What those improvements actually were, and whether Tenbest ever carried them out, the Council’s response does not say. Meanwhile, and apparently without any sense of contradiction, the Council was pursuing redevelopment through negotiation with the very same owners it was formally cautioning.
This author’s own contemporaneous note on receiving that response was blunt: given what she knew of the owners’ “methods and morality (in court),” including a complete disregard for the law demonstrated in litigation elsewhere, she suspected they were deliberately delaying while quietly working on their own exit strategy. Her verdict, in a single word: “Beware!”
Open questions this author has put, without a satisfactory answer: what the section 215 list actually specified; which councillors were involved in the Tenbest negotiations, and how often; and what the Council’s financial exposure would have been if there had been “no deal” by December 2012.
Chapter Five: The CPO Machinery
The Council’s Executive Meeting of 20 August 2012 tells its own story. The agenda recommended approving Tenbest’s request to vary its Development Agreement — the detail of which was, conveniently, confined to a confidential appendix. It further recommended that, if Tenbest could not comply with the revised terms by the end of November 2012, officers and executive councillors be authorised to proceed to a General Vesting Declaration — the mechanism for compulsory purchase — by 12 December 2012.
Any interim costs of that CPO process were to be funded through prudential borrowing, secured against the future capital receipt expected from disposing of the site. Roger Hannah and Co were appointed as the Council’s CPO valuers.
This author has repeatedly asked, and repeatedly not been answered: why Tenbest was made preferred developer at all, given the state of the site; what financial or legitimacy checks Steve Burns, the Council’s Head of Planning, actually made on the company, given that she and others raised concerns with him directly; what role Council Solicitor Barry Khan played in the process; and, ultimately, how much the Council was prepared to pay Tenbest through the CPO it was simultaneously threatening them with.
A council apparently unable to get its own preferred developer to maintain a shop front seems an odd one to trust with the far larger sums involved in buying that developer out.
Chapter Six: A Council That Knew What It Was Signing
On 25 February 2009, Stockport Council entered into an agreement with Tenbest — by then the Precinct’s major landowner, and, this author notes, a company associated with something in the order of a hundred other companies. Nobody at the Council appears to have asked why.
The original CPO process had actually begun in March 2010, with a statutory window: it had to be exercised by March 2012, or its powers would lapse entirely. That deadline explains the sudden urgency behind the General Vesting Declaration machinery described in the previous chapter, and the rush to reach agreement with Tenbest by December 2012 — years after the Council first decided, back in 2009, to proceed with both Tenbest and a compulsory purchase order, and years after Tenbest had proven unable to produce an occupier at a price that would let the scheme proceed at all.
By June 2012, Tenbest said it finally had an agreement with a supermarket — but the price of that agreement was a further round of variations to the terms, including a cap fixed by Tenbest itself, and backed by its own independent valuation advice, on how much Tenbest would have to pay toward the CPO acquisition costs. The risk, in other words, sat with the Council.
Three options were, on the Council’s own analysis, actually available: modify the development agreement again (which is what happened); press ahead alone with the General Vesting Declaration, acquiring every interest in the site — including Tenbest’s own — entirely at the Council’s risk; or simply let the CPO powers lapse and walk away. This author’s own, consistently held view was and remains that the third option was always the sensible one. Instead, the Executive approved the first.
There is a wider pattern here worth naming. A number of jurisdictions have moved to regularise situations where companies share the same directors and the same individual shareholders, yet are structured so as not to be legally regarded as a single “group” — thereby keeping each entity out of the common liability that would otherwise follow if one of them failed. This is, typically, how family property businesses like the Tenbest/Landmaster/Agra group are built. It should not have taken a campaigning journalist to notice.
Chapter Seven: What the Council Told Me, and What It Didn’t
This author submitted a Freedom of Information request asking the Council directly whether it had any plans for the purchase of the Offerton site. The answer came back a clear, simple no.
It later transpired that a General Vesting Declaration — the formal legal mechanism by which a council acquires every interest in a site under a compulsory purchase order — had already been signed on 14 January 2012, at very much the time that “no” was being written to her. If serving a General Vesting Declaration is not a plan for purchase, this author does not know what would qualify.
The obvious question is whether the officer who answered her FOI request ever thought to ask Council Solicitor Barry Khan, who was — at that exact moment — arranging the very same General Vesting Declaration on the Council’s behalf. Either the FOI team genuinely didn’t know what its own Solicitor was doing, which raises its own questions about how the Council manages information internally, or it did know, and answered anyway.
Either way, this sits alongside the Council’s wider FOI record — a record already, in this author’s words, “badly holed below the waterline” by its handling of requests over the Harcourt Street contamination affair. Here, again, are Council panjandrums quick to reach for the word “vexatious” whenever an inconvenient question is asked, while apparently unable to give a straight answer to a perfectly simple one.
A follow-up response, dated 5 March 2013 and given on behalf of Stepping Hill Area Committee, at least conceded something: the Council “regrets the amount of time it has taken to bring forward the comprehensive regeneration of the Offerton Precinct,” while insisting it was “not expecting to bear any capital costs” — a claim sitting rather awkwardly alongside the risk-laden CPO arrangements described in the previous chapter — though it did, at least, admit “some element of risk” existed, and that it had “considered these risks carefully.”
Regret is easily given. An honest account of what those risks actually were, and who signed the Council up to them, has proven much harder to extract.
Chapter Eight: A Warning From the Courts
The Council might have done well, before entering into any of this, to read a judgment handed down in October 2010 by Miss Geraldine Andrews QC, sitting in the Chancery Division of the High Court in Birmingham.
The case, Ausman Ramzan v Brookwide Ltd, concerned a restaurant leased from 1989 and later purchased freehold in 1992. In 1999, employees of Brookwide Ltd — a wholly owned subsidiary of AGRA, the same corporate group that sits within Tenbest’s own ownership chain — demolished and then bricked up an adjoining wall, cut off the property’s fire escape, and destroyed its fire alarm. The restaurant could no longer function. What followed was ten years of litigation, marked, in the judge’s own assessment, by confusion over ownership, delay, and what she plainly regarded as deliberate obstruction — remarking that she would have used her discretion to join a further claim by the claimant’s son, “had further tricks and procedures been allowed to defeat an otherwise meritorious case.”
The damages ultimately awarded cost Brookwide roughly a year’s profits — some £360,000 — before costs were even added. The Ramzans, the judge noted, would not have pursued litigation on this scale lightly.
If Stockport Council intended to take on the Tenbest/Landmaster/AGRA group over Offerton Precinct, it needed to go in with its eyes open, and the resources to match an opponent with this kind of track record. On the evidence of this book so far, it did neither.
Chapter Nine: The Bill Comes Due
An Executive Meeting agenda item from 12 August 2014 shows exactly how prescient the previous chapter’s warning was. Possession of the site had finally taken place on 1 July 2013 — a year earlier — and compensation payments to affected parties had already begun flowing. The Council’s hope was that these costs would be covered by an indemnity from Tenbest; anything beyond that would be met through Directly Funded Borrowing, which is to say, by Stockport’s council taxpayers.
By the time of this report, negotiations over the actual amount of compensation were still ongoing, with no substantive progress made in the first quarter of the 2014/15 financial year. The Council conceded it was unlikely negotiations would conclude in the short term, though it still hoped to finish them within that financial year.
Two years after the “urgent” General Vesting Declaration machinery described in Chapter Six, then, the Council was still haggling over the bill — with a group whose own subsidiary had, on the evidence of a High Court judge, spent a decade running exactly this kind of delay in a dispute of its own.
Chapter Ten: “Good News for Offerton”
The Stockport Express duly reported the next step: a CPO issued against Tenbest for the Precinct land — Lisburne Lane, Amhurst Avenue, Half Moon Lane — with the Council hoping to bring in a new Aldi supermarket. At a Stepping Hill Area Committee meeting, resident Tony Fisher asked for an update on the legal procedures; the Council’s own report said only that it was “working with” Tenbest and Aldi to agree a start date, while continuing to press the owners and occupiers to keep the Precinct safe and secure.
Aldi’s scheme, put forward the previous year after public consultation, promised up to twenty-five full- and part-time jobs, a garage/repair workshop, a store of 1,419 square metres, 103 parking spaces and landscaping. Councillor Iain Roberts, Executive Member for Economic Development and Regeneration, called it “good news for Offerton,” saying it would “improve the local centre and create jobs for local people.”
Readers of the earlier books in this series will recognise the shape of that sentence. It is, almost word for word, the language used to sell Harcourt Street, Padden Brook and the A555. It was not true in any of those cases either.
My final sentence – I do actually feel that Aldi has been good for Offerton.
Chapter Eleven: A Question Not Wanted
This author put a public question to Democratic Services, addressed — pointedly — to everyone on the relevant committee except its “excellent Labour and Conservative members”: did they regret having scuppered the Lisburne Group’s proposal, which could have been built years earlier, in favour of Tenbest, who had by then left the Precinct in this sorry state? And how much was the compulsory purchase process and compensation likely to cost Stockport’s council taxpayers?
Like Donald Rumsfeld, this author notes, she did not ask the question the Council wanted to answer.
The local press, over the years, told its own version of the same story, in headlines this author has collected without much need for further comment: “Run-down precinct remains an eyesore.” “Business boost as mall takes shape” — a claim she met with the simple observation, “Yeah, right! What a joke this Council is.” “Cabbies in fear for their future,” about the taxi trade connected to the site, who at least “showed they wouldn’t be pushed around.” “Only the lonely — council nets few.” No comment necessary. And “More lost info leads to anger,” to which this author’s verdict was simply: “I blame the management.”
Chapter Twelve: The Case Officer Who Wasn’t There
Planning application DC/044143 — sometimes written DC044143 — concerns a renewal of an earlier outline permission (DC/028270) for demolition of the existing buildings and regeneration of the site to provide a neighbourhood food store, retail unit, pharmacy and restaurant. It was received on 22 March 2010, validated the next day, and granted, with the decision notice issued on 24 January 2011.
That decision notice — the only document listed against the application on Stockport’s own planning portal — currently returns “Document Unavailable.” A 404, for a formal planning decision affecting a whole neighbourhood centre.
More striking still: the portal’s public summary lists the Case Officer for this application as “Not Available.” No named planning officer appears anywhere in the online summary, contacts, or related public records. This author had suspected Dominic Harvey — by now a familiar name in this series — might have handled it, but has found nothing to corroborate that. A different officer, Jane Chase, was active on similar applications in the Stepping Hill/Offerton area around the same period, but no confirmed link to this specific application has been found either.
A major regeneration decision, then, with no retrievable decision notice and, officially, no one who made it.
I don’t claim to have her good looks or luscious locks, but I do have a black belt in kickboxing. However, I would never have dared to step on the mat in high-heeled, wedge sandals. Respect.
Like her, I take no nonsense from frogs — in my case, the frogs at the top of Stockport Council.
NB: Should AI ever enable us to communicate with animals, I should like to apologise to frogs for comparing them to the panjandrums at Stockport Council. It was purely to make a point. Please don’t judge me harshly.
A Note on This Book
Vexatious? Moi? told the story of Harcourt Street: a school built on a former toxic tip, a budget that nearly doubled before the contamination was fully disclosed, a road layout that endangered children the day it opened, and a council that answered every hard question, over more than a decade, with the same word. Vexatious.
This book concerns a different piece of land, a different set of officers, and a different council administration. But the tactics are unmistakably the same — and this time they have arrived far faster.
It took years of documented obstruction before Stockport Council settled on “vexatious” as its answer to questions about Harcourt Street. At Padden Brook, the same word — and a formal, sweeping restriction on my ability to communicate with my own council — arrived within about two years of the concerns first being raised, and, on the council’s own account, applies not only to my formal information requests but to ordinary correspondence, complaints, and even questions I might ask at a public committee meeting.
This book sets out what has happened at Padden Brook, in the words of the council’s own correspondence, and asks the same question I have been asking, in one form or another, for twenty years: when a council will not answer a straightforward question about what it did, when it did it, and why, is the person asking the question really the one behaving unreasonably?
Padden Brook, running between Gorsey Brow and Green Lane (A627), Romiley, SK6 — as it used to look
The green shading on this map is the officially mapped extent of the woodland’s protection — the entire strip shown, not a scattering of individually named trees. That distinction matters throughout this book.
This book is built from primary documents — council letters, planning records, Land Registry titles, EIR and FOI correspondence, and my own photographs — gathered over more than two years. Wherever a claim in this book goes beyond what a document directly shows, it is presented as my own account rather than as established fact.
I wrote the Author’s material and directed every chapter that follows. Every chapter itself was written by Claude, Anthropic’s AI assistant, working from the documents, photographs, and guidance I provided. I am grateful for its help in telling this story.
Contents
Chapter One — The Letter
Chapter Two — Two Years, and Counting
Chapter Three — The Land and the Landowner
Chapter Four — The Wall
Chapter Five — An Address That Isn’t His
Chapter Six — A Fence, a Website, and a Question of Timing
Chapter Seven — The Dogs That Didn’t Bark in the Night. Why Not?
Chapter Eight — The Council’s Answer
Chapter Nine — What’s Under the Ground, and Who Owns It
Afterword
Chapter One: The Letter
On the morning of 24 August 2026, at eight o’clock, an email arrived from Vicki Bates, Stockport Council’s Chief Governance Officer and Monitoring Officer. It was short. It was final. And it read, in the way these things always seem to read, as though it were doing me a courtesy.
“As you know all your FOIs and EIRs relating to any matters concerning Padden Brook have previously been deemed vexatious and will not be responded to or acknowledged.”
That much I already knew. What followed was new.
“I write to confirm that all other communications that you send via email, letter, by way of a question to a committee meeting or via any other means of correspondence or communication (including complaints) to the council relating to Padden Brook or surrounding area will now be treated as unreasonably persistent…”
Not a request. Not a specific letter. Not a specific FOI. Every communication, on every subject touching Padden Brook or “the surrounding area,” by any method — email, letter, a question at a council meeting, a formal complaint — was to be treated the same way: diverted to a single inbox, and read, at best, once a week, by Ms Bates or a deputy.
The justification offered was volume: “hundreds” of emails over two years, said to repeat the same or similar questions. As an example of my unreasonableness, Ms Bates cited the fact that I continued to describe the land as “protected” — what she called “the correct position” having supposedly been set out to me “on a number of occasions.” She did not, in that letter or since, set out what that correct position actually is: which designation applies, which document establishes it, or on what date it was made. She simply asserted that I was wrong, and treated my continuing to disagree as evidence of unreasonable conduct rather than as an ordinary, unresolved dispute of fact.
Part of that volume, I should say plainly, is my own doing as a journalist rather than as a complainant — and the Council has never distinguished between the two. Before publishing any Romiley Gazette story about the Council, I have always written to it first, asking whether it wishes to comment or respond. That is not an aggressive act. It is standard journalistic practice, and it exists to give a public body the chance to put its position on the record before criticism of it appears in print. Every one of those routine, professional emails has been counted, alongside everything else, towards the “hundreds” that make me unreasonably persistent. A council genuinely concerned with fairness would welcome the opportunity to respond before publication. This one has counted the offer itself against me.
The letter went further still. It stated that a “significant amount” of my emails contained “abusive and defamatory content,” which I had “also publicly shared.” No email was quoted. No statement was identified. No date, no recipient, no sentence. I was told only that the material existed, that it would be shared with the Ombudsman if I escalated my complaint, and that the council reserved its right to take unspecified “legal action” against me over my “conduct.”
Ms Bates closed by noting that she had considered the impact of the restriction under the Human Rights Act 1998 and the Equality Act 2010, and did not consider there to be any. The restriction would be reviewed in six months.
I want to be careful here, because it would be easy to write this chapter as simple outrage, and outrage is not evidence. So consider instead what the council’s own rules say should happen before a letter like this is sent.
What the council’s own policy says
Stockport Council adopted its Unreasonable Actions by Complainants Policy in April 2026 — four months before Ms Bates’s letter. It is not a vague or aspirational document. It is specific, and in several places it reads as though it was written to prevent exactly what then happened to me.
Section 2.2: “All complaints are considered on their merits.”
Section 3.6 draws a distinction between legitimate and unreasonable persistence, and ties the latter to circumstances where a complainant continues pursuing a matter without new information, or repeatedly pursues an issue that has already been properly addressed.
Section 9.1: restricting contact should generally be a last resort, deployed only after attempts at reconciliation and warnings have been exhausted.
Section 9.4 expressly contemplates considering new complaints on their own merits, even from someone already subject to restriction.
Section 10.1: any restriction “must be tailored and proportionate to address the unreasonable actions found in each case.”
Section 10.2, in terms that could hardly be plainer: “The council should not take a blanket approach to restricting contact with services.”
Section 14 states that even correspondence placed on file without acknowledgement or reply should still be reviewed for significant new information.
A restriction covering every communication, by every method, on an entire subject and “surrounding area,” for six months, without identifying which specific actions were unreasonable or which specific statements were defamatory, is not obviously tailored to anything. It reads, on its face, like the blanket approach the council’s own policy says it should not take.
A question of timing, now answered
The destruction at Padden Brook began on 9 August 2024. Ms Bates’s letter, imposing a blanket restriction across every subject and every method of communication, is dated 24 August 2026 — two years and fifteen days later. But the word “vexatious” had already been applied to Padden Brook more than a year before that. On 2 April 2025 I asked, under the Environmental Information Regulations, whether the Council had investigated land instability at the site and which officers were involved. The request was refused as manifestly unreasonable and vexatious; my internal review request of 3 May 2025 was upheld on 1 July 2025 by the Information Governance Manager, Liz Sykes, who cited roughly 230 emails sent since 1 August 2024 and concluded that “nothing is taking place at the site of Padden Brook that the Council needs to take action on.” The Gazette reported it on 20 August 2025.
So the sequence runs: destruction begins, 9 August 2024; a single, narrow EIR question about land instability is branded vexatious within a year; and by August 2026, that branding has grown to cover every communication I might send the Council, by any method, on any aspect of the subject, indefinitely reviewed every six months. Each step used the last as its justification for the next.
At Harcourt Street, it took the best part of a decade — and an extraordinary volume of documented obstruction — before the council settled on the same word. At Padden Brook, it took a small fraction of that time. That acceleration is, in itself, a finding. It suggests a council that has learned, from experience, how quickly a difficult question can be made to disappear.
Vicki Bates’ letter of 24 August 2026, confirming the communications restriction
Chapter Two: Two Years, and Counting
To understand what Ms Bates’s letter was actually silencing, it is necessary to go back to what has, and has not, happened at Padden Brook since concerns were first raised — more than two years before that letter arrived.
The matters reported to the council were not abstract. They were specific, physical, and easy to check:
• A derelict butty van dumped on the land, which was subsequently altered and appears to now function as a site office.
• A table and chairs placed on the site.
• Continuing use and occupation of land I and other residents understand to carry protected amenity status, including a W1 woodland designation.
• Works affecting the stability of the land.
• Damage to a retaining wall serving the road and roughly two dozen homes, including my own.
On 21 August 2026 — three days before Ms Bates’s letter — I submitted a formal Stage 1 complaint to the council, addressed to officers Katie Moores, Lisa McGrane and Michael Cullen, to the Leader, and to the planning department directly. It asked nine specific questions: what investigations had been carried out; what enforcement decisions had been recorded, and when; the current status of the case; whether the change of use from derelict van to site office had been assessed as a new planning matter; whether the table and chairs had been investigated; whether the land’s protected status had been considered; and, if no enforcement action had been taken, why not — or, if no decision had been made at all, why the matter remained open after two years.
These are not the questions of someone seeking to relitigate a planning judgement I happen to dislike. I have never disputed that the council has discretion over whether and how to enforce. What I have asked for, repeatedly, is a record: an account of what was actually investigated, what was decided, and why. A well-run planning authority ought to be able to produce that account in an afternoon. Two years on, I still do not have one.
My formal Stage 1 complaint of 21 August 2026
The closing page of the complaint, reserving my right to escalate to the Ombudsman
I noted in that complaint, and I repeat here, that the Local Government and Social Care Ombudsman has previously found fault with Stockport Council over unreasonable delay in a separate planning enforcement matter. This is not, in other words, an isolated failing.
Three days later came the letter that ensured those nine questions would now be read, at best, once a week.
The butty van itself has not stood still while the council has. What began as a derelict vehicle dumped on the land has visibly changed over time — sunk into mud on the verge in one state, and, in a later state, blacked out, hoarded off behind fencing, and marked with graffiti, alongside disturbed, churned ground.
The dumped butty van’s changing states over time, on the verge at Padden Brook
The table and chairs dumped on the site
Two years on, the concerns are no longer confined to correspondence between me and the council. They are visible enough that residents have taken them to a public meeting.
Residents hold up a “Protect Padden Brook” banner at a council meeting
Chapter Three: The Land and the Landowner
The current landowner at Padden Brook is Greg Hall. The destruction began on 9 August 2024. Over the two years since, on my account and that of other residents, land I understand to be protected — unstable in places, and holding up the road and footway serving some two dozen houses — has been bulldozed, stripped of vegetation almost daily, and altered, including the erection of what I believe to be an unauthorised gate and the use of a digger in a manner that damaged the root systems of protected trees.
Stockport Council’s own published records, available on its website, address the tree preservation position for this site directly. From those records, it is my position — disputed, so far without particulars, by the council — that the entire site carries protection, not merely a schedule of individually named trees. That distinction matters, because a defence built around individual trees falling outside a named list says nothing about whether the wider site, as a whole, is protected land on which this kind of activity should not be taking place at all.
This is not newly wooded ground. An overlay of a historical estate map against the modern Ordnance Survey shows the same field boundaries and the same watercourse running through this part of Bredbury Green and Hatherlow long before any of the surrounding streets existed.
A historical map of the Bredbury Green/Hatherlow area (left) overlaid against the modern OS map of the same ground (right)
Local Councillor Angela Clark was told the same day — 9 August 2024, in person and in front of a witness — that unstable land supporting twenty-four houses was being illegally bulldozed. The destruction had not been going on for weeks or months before anyone in authority was warned; it was raised on day one. To date, so far as I am aware, she has taken no action.
None of this is disputed as a matter of what physically happened on the ground; the site itself, and its condition, tell that story more plainly than any letter from the council could contradict. What is in dispute — what has been in dispute for two years — is whether Stockport Council will engage with it.
The roadside at Padden Brook: mature woodland (left) and the same stretch cleared, with disturbed bare earth (right)
A fuller sequence, taken from several angles over time, shows the same transformation is not a trick of one photograph or one point of view.
“From this: to THIS” — the site’s dense woodland, and several later views of the same ground cleared to bare, sparse verge
A shipping container placed on the site near Green Lane
A tree left leaning at the site — the kind of root disturbance residents have raised with the council
Among the felling itself, the trunks and branches are simply left stacked on the slope once cut — not the tidy, single-tree removal a routine safety felling would suggest, but a working clearance site.
Felled trunks and branches stacked on the slope at Padden Brook
The new five-bar gate installed at the site boundary, which I believe was built without planning permission
Chapter Four: The Wall
Of everything at Padden Brook, the retaining wall is the matter I consider most urgent, because it is the one with the clearest, most immediate safety consequence — and because, unusually, the risk is admitted in writing by the landowner’s own side, not merely alleged by residents.
A letter circulated to residents of Green Lane, Howard Close and Padden Brook records that structural engineers examined the retaining wall along Howard Close and advised that three sycamore trees adjacent to it should be removed, because their root systems were undermining the wall’s footings. The letter states the consequence in plain terms:
“Should the wall fail it would cause the footpath and road to subside creating considerable inconvenience to the residents i.e. possible road closure.”
The same letter records that two common ash trees, affected by ash dieback, were also to be removed, with replacement planting at a ratio of two native trees for every one felled.
This is a wall that supports a road and footway serving approximately twenty-four homes, including mine. The question this raises is not, in the first instance, an engineering question. It is a governance question: what did Stockport Council know about this risk, when did it know it, what if anything did it do about it, and why has information about the council’s own knowledge been so difficult to obtain?
I have sought that information from the council directly, including under the Environmental Information Regulations 2004, on the basis that information about the condition of land and structural risk to it plainly falls within the definition of environmental information. That information has not, in my view, been properly addressed. I have separately raised the council’s handling of those requests — specifically concerning Vicki Bates, the Monitoring Officer, and Liz Sykes, the Information Governance Officer — with the Information Commissioner, on the basis that EIR and FOI requests about the wall have been refused without even being acknowledged.
On 9 August 2026, because a public body’s own conduct is not always the fastest route to accountability, I wrote directly to Zurich Insurance Group, understood to provide Stockport Council’s public liability cover, setting out the documentary evidence of the engineers’ findings and asking Zurich to confirm the council’s insurance position, to establish what if anything it had previously been told about the wall, and to preserve any relevant records. A public authority that will not answer a resident may still, eventually, have to answer its own insurer.
I do not know, as I write this, what Stockport Council knew about this wall or when it knew it. That is precisely the point. Two years into raising it, that is a fact I should not still be missing — and it is the clearest illustration in this whole affair of what a communications restriction actually costs: not administrative tidiness, but the possibility that the next piece of information about a wall holding up two dozen homes arrives too late to matter.
Machinery working the wooded bank at Howard Close, above the retaining wall
Water does not wait for a council to answer its correspondence, either. I have photographed standing water and run-off pooling across the path and verge here after rain — exactly the kind of surface water that, on ground already identified as unstable next to a wall already flagged as a subsidence risk, ought to be a standing item on someone’s inspection sheet, not something a resident has to document herself.
Standing water and run-off on the path and verge near the retaining wall
Chapter Five: An Address That Isn’t His
The proposed development at the heart of this book sits on Padden Brook itself — a real street, with houses already standing on one side of it. The scheme proposed for the wooded side does not yet have a marketing name of its own; in the planning visualisation prepared for it, it is identified only by its location: “Land at Padden Brook, Romiley, Stockport, SK6 3AS.” That visualisation shows a run of new-build brick houses, gabled and pleasant, facing onto a street that, on the wooded side, does not yet exist.
The planning visualisation for “Land at Padden Brook” (below) and the wooded site as it looked before the destruction began (above)
Directly above that rendering, in the same document, sits a photograph of the site as it looked before the destruction began — dense mature woodland running alongside the road, utility poles threaded through the canopy, nothing built. That gap, between the picture of what is intended and the wood that has since been stripped away, is the subject of this whole book.
Aerial view of the wooded strip in dispute, between Howard Close and Padden Brook Mews, before much of its vegetation was stripped
This aerial view shows the strip as it looked before large parts of that canopy were cleared. It was not simply background greenery: it was a continuous, established wildlife habitat, home to at least one protected species, running the full length of the site — not the scattered, low-value scrub that a defence built around individually named trees might suggest.
Padden Brook Mews is a different place — an existing development around the corner from the wood shown above, not the site under threat. It matters to this story for one reason only: the landowner falsely claimed to live there.
An address he does not live at
Among the documents I hold is a Stockport Council Tree Works application — made under the Town and Country Planning Act 1990, in relation to trees protected by a Tree Preservation Order or in a conservation area — reference PP-13856187, concerning works at Padden Brook Mews. The applicant is named as Mr Hall.
His address, entered on the council’s own form under “Applicant Details,” is given as: Padden Brook Mews, Romiley, Stockport, SK6 3AS. He does not live there. His actual address is 1a Magda Road. The council was made aware of this discrepancy on the form itself, and, so far as I am aware, has not been troubled by it.
The Tree Works application (ref PP-13856187), showing the applicant’s address as “Padden Brook Mews, Romiley, Stockport, SK6 3AS”
Giving, as your own residential address, a development you do not live in — rather than your actual home — on a public planning form submitted to the same council that is meant to be regulating what happens on land nearby, is not a small irregularity. It is exactly the sort of detail a properly functioning planning department ought to notice, and that a council which was minded to scrutinise this application with the same energy it has applied to scrutinising my correspondence would very likely have noticed.
Bluebells in the woodchip
Back on the wooded site itself, whatever the paperwork says about its future, its present condition tells its own story. Bluebells are one of the clearest, most widely recognised indicators of ancient or long-established woodland in England — they spread slowly, and their presence signals ground that has been continuously wooded for a very long time, not scrub that sprang up in the last few decades.
Bluebells growing through wood-chip mulch beside a freshly cut tree stump on the site
I photographed bluebells and other established ground-cover plants growing directly through fresh wood-chip mulch, next to a stump that had clearly been cut recently. Whatever assessment concluded that trees here “failed to meet the criteria for protection,” it is difficult to reconcile with a woodland floor still supporting an ancient-woodland indicator species.
A tree on the site marked for felling
Elsewhere on the site, a tree stands marked for the same fate — photographed with an arrow drawn in to show precisely which one is next. Trees do not, of course, remove themselves. Each of these photographs represents a decision, made by someone, about what this woodland is for.
Chapter Six: A Fence, a Website, and a Question of Timing
Several more pieces of evidence belong in this chapter, and each shows the same pattern from a slightly different angle: a site being made harder to see into, at exactly the moment more people are trying to look.
The fence goes up
On 18 December 2025, Stockport Council’s Planning Services wrote to a neighbouring resident under reference DC/097706. The proposal being consulted on was described plainly: “Addition of fences and gates at boundary of site and 2.4m high temporary fence.” The council’s letter pinned the application to “Brook House, 1 Padden Brook, Romiley” — a specific house whose owner has nothing whatsoever to do with this case, and I mention it only because it is the address the council’s own paperwork uses for this application; it should not be read as connecting that household to anything in this book. Comments were invited by 11 January 2026. The letter closed with a now-familiar line: that due to the volume of correspondence received, the Council would not be able to reply to or acknowledge representations, though they would be “taken into account.”
The Council’s planning consultation letter for DC/097706, 18 December 2025
The fence that resulted is not a garden fence. It runs close-slatted and over head height along the site boundary, screening the works behind it from the road and from passers-by — including the dumped butty van discussed in Chapter Two and a large amount of rubbish, both still visible from the elevated vantage point of Howard Close, at the top of the retaining wall.
The fence and gates erected at the site boundary under DC/097706
A 2.4 metre fence is, on its own, an unremarkable thing for a construction site to have. What is worth noting is the timing and the effect: a site under sustained public scrutiny, subject to years of unresolved enforcement questions, has become considerably harder for residents at ground level to see into just as those questions have intensified.
Registered, and left there
The council’s own planning portal records DC/097706 (also referenced as PP-14522904) as received on 27 November 2025 and validated on 3 December 2025, with its address given simply as “Land At Padden Brook, Romiley, Stockport.” The comment period closed on 11 January 2026. As of the middle of 2026 — more than half a year after the application was validated, and months after the last resident’s comment was invited — its status still read, in the council’s own system: Registered. Not approved. Not refused. Not withdrawn. Simply registered, and left there.
On 1 June 2026 I put the question directly, in writing, to eleven recipients at once — Vicki Bates, Emma Curle, the planning department, the Leader, my MP’s office, Lisa McGrane, Emma Stubbs, Councillor Angie Clark, Councillor Rachel Bresnahan, and Michael Cullen: why hadn’t this application been decided, and did enforcement even exist at Stockport Council? I published the same question on my blog, where it remains for anyone to read.
A reader, Mabel Green, left a comment the following month asking a related question I hadn’t even raised: how had a different, later application at the same site been decided before this earlier one had even been settled? I replied on 17 July 2026 that the pattern of — to put it kindly — irregularities at Padden Brook was serious enough to warrant a sustained public record, named individuals included, addressed in particular to the Planning Officer handling the case, Dominic Harvey. That record is, in large part, this book.
A footpath that may not need diverting
The same day, 1 June 2026, I wrote separately to the Council’s Public Rights of Way team, copied to Vicki Bates, Michael Cullen, the Leader and my MP’s office, about a different application, DC/097686. The applicant had stated that a public footpath “must be diverted” to accommodate the development. My own review of the Definitive Map and publicly available PROW data did not show Footpath 5 or Footpath 6 (Bredbury & Romiley) being directly intersected or severed by that application’s boundary.
I asked the Council to confirm the exact Definitive Map alignment of any right of way potentially affected; whether any recorded right of way was legally obstructed by the proposal at all; whether the Council considered a Section 257 Town and Country Planning Act 1990 Diversion Order to be required; and, if the applicant’s reference to a diversion did not concern a recorded Definitive Map footpath, whether it instead concerned only an informal or permissive path outside the legal PROW network.
These are not abstract questions. A statutory diversion order carries legal weight and a defined process; an informal path does not. If an applicant’s public-facing justification for altering access to a site rests on a diversion that the law does not actually require, that is a materially different thing from a genuine, necessary diversion — and residents, and the Council’s own decision-makers, are entitled to know which one they are dealing with.
The noticeboard, before and after
Planning law relies, in part, on the public actually being told what is happening on a site near them — traditionally through a site notice, displayed where passers-by can read it. When I first photographed the site’s new wooden noticeboard, well-built and clearly recently installed on fresh posts, it was blank. It has since been updated, and now displays notices about the proposed housing development.
The noticeboard at the site
I raise this not to suggest the board is still empty — it isn’t — but because the gap between the two states is itself worth noting: for a period, a resident walking past this board would have learned nothing at all about what was planned or underway on the land behind it. Whether that gap was an oversight or simply the order in which things were done, it meant the public information arrived only after the fence, the noticeboard’s frame, and a good deal of the clearance work already had.
A website that does not work
When residents are told to rely on the council’s own systems for information — as the December 2025 consultation letter does, directing objectors to the Council’s online planning portal for “any up-to-date information” — it is reasonable to expect that system to function. I attempted to check the status of applications relating to this site on Stockport Council’s planning application search tool and was met with the following:
Stockport Council’s planning application search tool, returning a server error
“A server problem prevented the webpage from displaying. Try again later.” I have no reason to think this was anything other than an ordinary technical fault. But when a council restricts a resident’s ability to ask questions directly, and then directs that same resident to a website that will not load, the practical effect is the same either way: no information reaches the person asking for it.
Still moving earth
The works have not stopped. I have an earlier photograph of a mechanical digger operating on the wooded bank at the site — the same sloped ground, immediately above the retaining wall discussed in Chapter Four, that structural engineers have already linked to a risk of footpath and road subsidence. At the time this photograph was taken, the digger was working within what should have been a protected wildlife exclusion zone.
An earlier photograph of a digger working on the wooded bank at the site, within the protected wildlife exclusion zone
Whatever else is or is not resolved about Padden Brook, this much is not in dispute: on land already flagged for slope instability next to a wall already flagged as a safety risk, this kind of work has been ongoing for two years, and no one has yet given me a clear account of what oversight, if any, governs it.
Chapter Seven: The Dogs That Didn’t Bark in the Night. Why Not?
In Sherlock Holmes’s story “Silver Blaze,” the detective is asked whether any point of the case strikes him. He replies: “the curious incident of the dog in the night-time.” The dog did nothing in the night. That, Holmes explains, was the curious incident — because the dog should have barked, and did not, and its silence was the clue that mattered.
Padden Brook has its own dogs that didn’t bark. Several people, in several different roles, have had the opportunity — the responsibility, in fact — to ask a hard question, order an investigation, or simply respond. This chapter is about them: who they are, what their role gave them the power to do, and what they did instead, which in most cases so far has been nothing at all. More names will be added as the evidence for each one is assembled.
Vicki Bates — Chief Governance Officer and Monitoring Officer
Vicki Bates, Stockport Council Monitoring Officer, speaking at a council meeting
Ms Bates’s role already runs through this book: she is the author of the 24 August 2026 letter examined in Chapter One, which declared all my communications on Padden Brook — by any method, on any aspect of the subject — unreasonably persistent, and which stated that my FOI and EIR requests would not even be acknowledged. As Monitoring Officer, her responsibilities include the Council’s own lawful and proper conduct. The letter she sent does not read as the action of someone straining to keep that conduct within its own rules.
This is not the first time Ms Bates’s office has reached for that word. It was raised in connection with the Harcourt Street contamination and safety concerns explored in “Vexatious? Moi?”, and separately, questions about missing community sports facilities and multi-million-pound financial inconsistencies were reportedly branded “vexatious” by Ms Bates and her deputy, Michelle Dodds, as far back as 2019. A pattern repeated across cases, years, and administrations is no longer a coincidence of one difficult resident; it is a house style.
Michelle Dodds — Deputy Monitoring Officer
Ms Dodds is reported to have joined Ms Bates in applying the “vexatious” label to earlier questions about missing sports facilities and financial inconsistencies. Her role sits within the same office whose current position on Padden Brook is set out above. She is also a figure in the Michael Parnell case, the subject of a separate book, where I understand her conduct towards Mr Parnell was similarly unsympathetic.
Liz Sykes — Information Governance Manager
Ms Sykes conducted the internal review that, on 1 July 2025, upheld the refusal of my EIR request about land instability at Padden Brook — the first formal “vexatious” finding on this subject, discussed in Chapter One. Her review acknowledged that Padden Brook’s condition is a matter of public interest, and upheld the refusal anyway, on the basis that the burden of roughly 230 emails since August 2024 outweighed it. She has also been named, alongside Ms Bates, in a complaint to the Information Commissioner over the Council’s handling of information requests concerning the retaining wall.
Emma Curle — Chief Planning Officer
Emma Curle, Stockport Council’s Chief Planning Officer
As Chief Planning Officer, Ms Curle sits over the department that has, on my account, failed for more than two years to give a clear answer to nine straightforward questions about enforcement at Padden Brook — questions restated in my Stage 1 complaint of 21 August 2026, reproduced in Chapter Two. Responsibility for whether this department investigates, records, and explains its decisions runs, ultimately, to the person at its head.
Dominic Harvey — Planning Officer
Mr Harvey is the Planning Officer named in connection with DC/097706, the fence and gates application discussed in Chapter Six — an application that sat as merely “Registered” for more than half a year after validation, with no decision, refusal, or withdrawal recorded. He is also the officer to whom I addressed my 17 July 2026 statement of intent to keep a sustained public record of what has happened at Padden Brook. I do not yet have a photograph of Mr Harvey; if one becomes available it will be added here.
Michael Cullen — Chief Executive
Michael Cullen, Stockport Council’s Chief Executive
Mr Cullen was among the recipients of my 21 August 2026 complaint, addressed to him directly as Chief Executive alongside the Leader and named planning officers. As the Council’s most senior officer, he is ultimately accountable for how it treats residents who raise sustained, documented concerns — including, eventually, whether a restriction as sweeping as the one in Chapter One was ever an appropriate or proportionate response. I have had no indication that he has intervened.
Mark Roberts — Council Leader
Mark Roberts, Leader of Stockport Council
The Leader was one of the addressees of my 21 August 2026 Stage 1 complaint, sent to leader@stockport.gov.uk directly. Every letter and restriction described in this book has been issued in the name of a council he leads. I have seen nothing from him personally addressing any of it.
I have, however, had one personal encounter with him. On 1 November 2025, in Romiley Precinct, Mr Roberts confronted me in public and shouted, calling me “toxic.” My husband, who is 75, witnessed it and was shocked enough to step in himself, telling him: “Don’t you speak to my wife like that.” I wrote about it publicly on 21 November 2025, noting that Mr Roberts had, despite weeks of my asking, provided no evidence for any accusation against me. A council leader who responds to a resident’s documented, two-year concerns by shouting at her in a shopping precinct has not, on that evidence, earned the trust his own residents are asked to place in him.
Lisa Smart — Member of Parliament
Lisa Smart MP, quoted: “We should build on derelict sites not our green space!”
Ms Smart is on record, in print, saying plainly: “We should build on derelict sites not our green space!” — and the same coverage records that she and the local Liberal Democrats twice challenged the Conservatives to join them in voting down over-development plans at the Council. Both times, they refused.
The principle, then, is not in question: my MP is happy to be quoted defending green space in general terms. Padden Brook is a specific, documented, two-year case of exactly the kind of loss she says she opposes, on her own doorstep, and I am not aware of her having lifted a finger over it. A general commitment to green space that stops short of the green space actually under threat in your own constituency is not the same thing as acting on the principle. That gap is its own kind of silence.
That gap had a concrete cost in September 2025, when a resident stood outside Ms Smart’s constituency office holding an A4 sheet of paper reading “Useless Local Councillors,” over wildlife crime and destruction at Padden Brook. The protest was peaceful. Police were called, and attended — then were called again roughly ten minutes later, and attended a second time. No arrests were made. Ms Smart has campaigned nationally on “Policing Fit for the Future,” a platform built on the smarter, more proportionate use of stretched police resources. Two call-outs for one resident holding a sign is not obviously what that looks like in practice, and it is exactly the kind of outcome that follows when concerns are left to fester rather than engaged with early.
Councillor Angela Clark
Councillor Angela Clark
Councillor Clark’s role in this book is set out in Chapter Three: she was told, on 9 August 2024, in person and in front of a witness, that unstable land holding up twenty-four houses was being illegally bulldozed — on the very day the destruction began. To date, so far as I am aware, she has taken no action.
At a September 2024 Werneth Area Council meeting, Cllr Mark Roberts told residents that officers had spoken to the landowner about tree and nature obligations, and credited Cllr Clark and myself with getting Tree Preservation Orders placed on the mature trees. The land was cleared anyway. An anonymous resident later told the Gazette that the TPOs were only ever placed on individual trees, not the site as a whole, because Cllr Clark “did not go far enough” — and called the council “a laughing stock” as a result. Whether or not that verdict is fair to her personally, the outcome speaks for itself: partial protection, followed by clearance of everything the partial protection didn’t cover.
Separately, I wrote up a photo opportunity in which Cllr Clark was pictured clearing some three to four feet of a small gulley in Romiley village, posing with a large sod of grass she had apparently removed. Residents who know the gulley say it has never had substantial grass growth to that extent, and a second photograph taken immediately afterwards shows no comparable vegetation nearby. A formal question went to the Werneth Area Committee asking why only a few feet were cleared, whether it achieved anything, and where the sod of grass in the photograph actually came from. None of this is a large matter on its own. But a councillor who can find time for a stage-managed few feet of gulley, while a documented, two-year danger to twenty-four homes goes unaddressed on her own patch, is choosing where her effort is seen to go.
Councillor Rachel Bresnahan
Councillor Rachel Bresnahan
Councillor Bresnahan has not responded to me at all in over two years. Not an acknowledgement, not a holding reply, not a refusal — nothing. Of everyone in this chapter, hers may be the simplest kind of silence: not a considered position, not a defended decision, just an absence.
Lisa McGrane — Planning Enforcement
Ms McGrane was among the addressees of my 21 August 2026 Stage 1 complaint and my 1 June 2026 letter asking why DC/097706 remained undecided. She is described in council terms as an Enforcement Officer. I use that description advisedly: over more than two years of documented enforcement questions at Padden Brook — the butty van, the table and chairs, the site occupation, the felling, the fence, the undecided applications — I am not aware of a single instance of enforcement action having actually been taken. Readers may draw their own conclusions about what the title is doing in that sentence.
More officials will be added to this chapter as their roles and their silence are documented.
Chapter Eight: The Council’s Answer
This book has, so far, been mostly about silence — unanswered questions, undecided applications, a communications restriction that stopped the questions being asked at all. It would be wrong to leave the impression that the Council has never engaged with the substance. On 8 October 2024, Vicki Bates wrote to me with a considered, substantive response — prepared, she said, by Emma Curle, then styled Chief Planning Officer — addressing my interpretation of what “amenity land” means at Padden Brook. It deserves to be set out in full, and then examined.
What the Council said
The response made several distinct points. “Amenity land” is not a term formally defined in planning legislation or guidance, and the development plan does not allocate any land under that specific label — though land allocated in other ways, such as open space, may still have amenity value. The woodland running along the western side of Padden Brook is defined as a Local Wildlife Site under the local plan, which brings it within saved Unitary Development Plan policy NE1.2, covering Sites of Nature Conservation Importance.
On the 1974 refusal I hold — discussed in Chapter Three — the Council agreed that the land was originally identified as an amenity area, as part of the wider residential development permitted in the early 1960s. But it made a legal distinction I had not fully allowed for: that original permission has not been revoked, but its existence does not, on the Council’s reading, prevent a later application for a different use, nor does it prevent works that do not themselves require planning permission.
On the loss of wildlife, the Council’s position was that the matter had been referred to Greater Manchester Police, who did not consider a crime had been committed; that where an impact relates to planning consent, the enforcement team can investigate a breach of control, but that “there has been no enforcement action required or undertaken”; and that anything falling outside planning legislation is a matter for the police or for Natural England’s protected-species licensing enforcement team, with prosecution ultimately a police decision, not the Council’s. The Council added that its Neighbourhoods team had visited the site “on many occasions recently” and found no work carried out by the landowner that should not have been, and denied that any restrictions were in place on the land, contrary to what I had suggested.
From “no protection” to three protections
It is worth being precise about how far this admission travelled, because it did not arrive freely. At the outset of this dispute, I was told the land had no protection at all. That was the Council’s starting position. It is not its position now.
Between the 1974 refusal I hold, the woodland’s Tree Preservation Order, and this 8 October 2024 letter alone, the Council has now confirmed, in writing, on the record: that the site is Local Wildlife Site, subject to saved UDP policy NE1.2; that it carries W1 woodland protection; and that it was originally identified as protected visual amenity land under the 1963 permission referred to in the 1974 refusal. Three separate protections, admitted one at a time, each only after I had located the underlying document and put it to the Council directly. None of them were volunteered. Every one of them had to be dug out.
Where that leaves the argument
I want to be fair to this response, because it is more than the Council has managed on several other questions in this book, and it is worth taking on its own terms rather than dismissing it. It confirms, in the Council’s own words, that the woodland is a designated Local Wildlife Site under a live planning policy — which is not nothing. It also draws a genuinely correct legal distinction: an old, unrevoked permission for one use does not, by itself, forbid every later change.
But the response also illustrates the pattern this book keeps returning to. On wildlife crime, responsibility is placed with the police, who found nothing; on enforcement, responsibility is placed with a process that has taken no action; on the underlying protection of the land, the emphasis falls on what a policy label does not formally guarantee, rather than on what the designation as a Local Wildlife Site — the Council’s own words — is supposed to mean in practice. Each individual answer is reasonable enough in isolation. Together, they describe a site that is officially recognised as ecologically important and formally protected under adopted policy, on which, according to the body responsible for protecting it, nothing has happened that anyone needs to do anything about.
That is the gap this book is about. Not whether any single letter from the Council is wrong on its own terms — several are careful and technically defensible — but whether the cumulative effect of those careful, technically defensible answers, over more than two years, has been to protect Padden Brook, or simply to explain, at length, why nothing has been done to.
Chapter Nine: What’s Under the Ground, and Who Owns It
A historic wire works
On 14 June 2026 I wrote to Planning.DC, Vicki Bates, the Leader, Emma Curle, my MP’s office, Katie Moores and Liz Sykes, raising a concern that had not, so far as I could see, been addressed anywhere in the papers for application DC/097786: the site was formerly home to a wire works. Wire works are typically associated with a specific, well-documented set of contaminants — heavy metals including lead, zinc, copper, cadmium, nickel and chromium; hydrocarbons, oils and greases; pickling acids; coal ash, clinker and furnace residues; polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons; and asbestos.
This matters at Padden Brook specifically because of what already runs beneath and around the site: historical streams, culverts, wells, marshy ground and standing water, any of which could act as a pathway carrying contamination well beyond the original works. I asked the Council to require a Phase 1 contaminated land assessment covering the wire works history, followed, if warranted, by an intrusive Phase 2 investigation — soil, groundwater and sediment sampling, testing for the specific contaminants listed above, and an assessment of any culverts, drains, watercourses or made ground affected — with a remediation strategy required before any permission is granted.
Readers of “Vexatious? Moi?” will recognise the shape of this concern immediately. Harcourt Street was built on a former toxic tip after early soil tests found nothing, only for later tests — commissioned for an unrelated planning reason — to find arsenic, lead and asbestos, by which point government money was already spent and committed. I am not saying the same outcome is inevitable at Padden Brook. I am saying that a council which had genuinely learned from Harcourt Street would treat a former wire works, sitting above culverts and historically marshy ground, as a question to be answered before permission is granted, not after.
Ground that has moved before
The same application drew a separate objection from me, on 23 June 2026, concerning the site’s basic suitability for building at all. The scheme would require removing roughly 2,000 tonnes of material from a slope to create a development platform, with the proposed dwellings sited at the lower part of that slope. I cited existing evidence of ground movement nearby — a public footpath at the top of the slope reportedly subsided, as has a neighbouring driveway — and a geotechnical investigation carried out about a hundred yards away (refs DC/065326 and DC/076213), which found variable alluvial deposits, soft and compressible soils, boggy ground in parts, and recommended piled foundations into bedrock, noting that the compressible layer’s thickness varied significantly across the site it covered.
This is an outline application. The detail that would normally reassure a resident that a slope like this has been properly assessed does not yet exist. I asked the Council to require further geotechnical and slope-stability evidence before determining the application, rather than after building has begun — which is precisely the order Harcourt Street got wrong.
Who actually owns it
Land Registry records (titles MAN441856 and MAN443779, obtained 3 July 2025) show that the freehold and leasehold of the Padden Brook land were both acquired by John Greg Hall — the same Mr Hall named throughout this book — and Alison Hall, in June 2025. The lease itself is unusually specific for a supposedly ordinary residential covenant: it permits only dwellinghouses with suitable outbuildings of a minimum annual letting value of £35, and requires the landlord’s prior written approval of plans and specifications before anything is built.
Stockport Council’s legal department has clarified that such a covenant is enforceable only by the landlord against the tenant — and since the same individuals now hold both the landlord’s and the tenant’s interest, enforcement between them is, in the Council’s words, “effectively redundant.” But the Council was equally clear that the covenant itself has not disappeared: it remains a binding legal obligation attached to the land, and any development would still require planning permission in the ordinary way, covenant or no covenant. A restriction that once meant something, reduced to a formality because the same person now stands on both sides of it, is one more small example of protection on paper failing to translate into protection on the ground.
“Developer blight”
On 21 November 2024, Stockport Council passed a motion aimed at tackling what it called “developer blight”: landowners who let a site decay, on the theory that a weary community will eventually accept almost any change just to see the land used again. The motion proposed real teeth — Compulsory Purchase Orders to let the Council take over neglected sites; reversing the burden of proof, so landowners must show they are improving a site rather than the Council having to prove they are not; tax penalties for land left to blight a community; and powers to convert reclaimed sites into public parks or nature reserves.
I have put it to Emma Curle and Vicki Bates directly: is Padden Brook not a textbook case of exactly what that motion was written to stop? There were no cranes, no diggers, no half-built homes here before the events in this book — just steady, unremarked decline: vegetation stripped or left to overgrow, boundaries and access points neglected, wildlife habitats disturbed, until a housing scheme starts to look, to a tired community, like the lesser evil. Under the powers the Council itself voted for, it could have issued a Section 215 notice requiring the land’s appearance to be improved, taxed the owner for keeping it in a neglected state, or pursued a CPO to bring it back into community or environmental use. As of writing, I am still waiting for a response.
Afterword
This has been Part Two of what could become a very long series about the abuses of the over-paid, over-mighty and under-regulated rapscallions at Stockport Council — past, and presumably future. Some of the people appear again and again.
I have had my name publicly blackened for a long time in order to cover up their sometimes criminal and almost always dubious actions. I don’t have to tolerate that, and I shan’t.
Hazel Grove MP has declared more than £31,000 in recent donations and support — but what do the records tell us about where the money comes from?
By Romiley Gazette
Hazel Grove MP Lisa Smart has declared more than £31,000 in donations and other political support during the past year, according to the latest Register of Members’ Financial Interests.
The Liberal Democrat MP has received support from a mixture of wealthy individuals, a management company, a political trust and a number of people who also financially support other Liberal Democrat politicians.
There is no evidence in the public records examined by the Romiley Gazette that Smart has knowingly accepted an illegal donation.
However, several of the donations raise questions about transparency, the relationships between political donors and politicians, and — in one case — potential conflicts of interest.
Who has been giving to Lisa Smart?
Smart’s current parliamentary register records donations including:
£5,000 from James Moore
£5,000 from Ahmed Hindawi
£3,000 from Elizabeth Desmond
£3,000 from the Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust
£2,500 from Hilary Stone
£2,500 from Dominic Mathon
£2,000 from Adam Management Holdings Ltd
£2,000 from Hilary Stone
£1,000 from Dominic Mathon
£1,000 from Richard Pym
and a further £1,494.50 from Richard Pym to cover the cost of a fundraising dinner for Smart, the donor and eight guests.
The parliamentary register classifies these as support linked to an MP but received by a local party organisation or indirectly through a central party organisation, rather than necessarily money handed directly to Smart herself.
Taken together, those current declarations amount to £31,494.50.
That figure does not include other benefits Smart has declared, such as honorary membership of the National Liberal Club, valued at £1,140 for 2026, or flights to Brunei paid for by the Armed Forces Parliamentary Trust.
The Adam Management connection
One of the more unusual donors is Adam Management Holdings Ltd, which gave Smart £5,000 during the 2024 general election campaign and a further £2,000 in October 2025.
Companies House identifies the company as a management consultancy and records Safvan Ayub Adam as holding more than 75 per cent of its shares and voting rights.
Adam Management Holdings has also made political donations to a number of other Liberal Democrat politicians.
That makes the company a significant political donor — but it is important not to go beyond what the evidence shows.
There is no evidence establishing that money received by Adam Management Holdings from government contracts was subsequently used to fund political donations.
There is, however, a separate and noteworthy business connection involving Safvan Adam.
Adam is a director of Stay Belvedere Hotels Ltd, a company which was involved in providing accommodation to asylum seekers through the Home Office supply chain.
The Home Office subsequently required the removal of Stay Belvedere from the supply chain following concerns about its performance and behaviour.
That history makes Adam Management Holdings a legitimate subject for scrutiny, particularly concerning the ultimate source of funds available for political donations — but it does not, by itself, demonstrate anything improper about the £7,000 donated to Smart.
The Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust question
Perhaps the most interesting governance issue concerns the Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust (JRRT).
Smart has been a director of the Trust since 2016, eight years before she entered Parliament. It is an unpaid position and is properly declared in her parliamentary register.
The Trust is a non-charitable organisation with a long history of supporting liberal, political and campaigning causes.
Its board is responsible for grant-making and financial oversight.
In 2024, JRRT’s accounts recorded a £4,000 political grant to Hazel Grove Liberal Democrats.
Smart’s parliamentary register also recorded £4,000 of support from JRRT in 2024.
The current register records a further £3,000 of JRRT support connected with Smart in April 2026. The register explicitly says that the money was support linked to an MP but received through a local or central party organisation.
This does not prove that Smart personally received money from a trust on whose board she sits.
Nor is there evidence that she voted to award herself money.
But it does raise an obvious governance question:
When JRRT decisions concerned political support connected with Hazel Grove Liberal Democrats or Smart’s own political activities, did Smart recuse herself?
JRRT’s own governance arrangements state that individual directors can exempt themselves from discussion or decisions on particular matters.
The Gazette has not found publicly available board minutes establishing whether Smart recused herself from the relevant decisions.
That is therefore a question of transparency and governance rather than an allegation of wrongdoing.
A donor who paid for a £1,641 dinner
Another donation stands out.
In October 2025, investment professional Elizabeth Desmond paid £1,641.49 for a meal involving Smart, Desmond and eight guests.
The parliamentary register gives the value and the number of guests but does not identify the restaurant, the occasion or the other eight people who attended.
Desmond subsequently gave a further £3,000 to support Smart’s political activities in November 2025 and another £3,000 in April 2026.
Again, there is nothing in the register suggesting that the hospitality was unlawful.
But for voters, the absence of information about the occasion and attendees makes the dinner difficult to assess independently.
Was it simply a Liberal Democrat fundraising dinner? Were all eight guests political supporters? Were any people with commercial or policy interests present?
The public register does not say.
Other donors
The pattern is not limited to Smart.
Dominic Mathon, who has worked as Head of Tax & Treasury at RELX and has been involved with the 100 Group Tax Committee, has made several donations to Smart.
Mathon has also donated substantial sums to other Liberal Democrat MPs.
Ahmed Hindawi, founder and chief executive of education technology company Nagwa, has also donated to Smart and other Liberal Democrat politicians.
Hilary Stone has similarly supported Smart and the Liberal Democrats.
The pattern suggests that some of Smart’s donors are not simply local Hazel Grove supporters but people who participate more widely in Liberal Democrat political fundraising.
That is not unusual in British politics, where wealthy political supporters frequently contribute to several politicians or to parties.
Is there evidence of “dubious” donations?
On the evidence available, the answer needs to be carefully qualified.
There is no evidence identified by the Gazette that Lisa Smart has accepted a donation from an obviously prohibited donor, nor evidence that any of the donations listed above has been found unlawful.
The Parliamentary register itself records the donations as interests that have been declared.
But there are legitimate questions worth asking.
First: what is the ultimate source of the money donated by companies such as Adam Management Holdings?
Second: what safeguards were used when JRRT made grants connected with a politician who is herself a JRRT director?
Third: what was the £1,641.49 dinner hosted by Elizabeth Desmond, and who were the eight guests?
And fourth: how much political support has Smart received in total from wealthy individuals and organisations since entering Parliament?
Those are questions about political transparency — not accusations of corruption.
Smart’s response matters
Lisa Smart has also demonstrated that she is willing to declare relevant interests publicly.
During parliamentary proceedings she has specifically disclosed her position as a JRRT director when discussing issues involving organisations supported by the Trust.
That is significant because it shows that the existence of the relationship is not being hidden.
The current parliamentary register also clearly identifies her JRRT directorship as an unpaid role.
The bigger issue for Hazel Grove
The issue for local voters may therefore be less about whether individual donations are technically permissible and more about how political money operates around MPs.
Smart’s register shows a network involving wealthy private donors, professional investors, a political campaigning trust and a management company which has donated to politicians across the Liberal Democrats.
None of that is necessarily improper.
But the public is entitled to ask whether the system provides enough information to understand who is funding politicians, why they are doing so and whether donors gain access or influence as a result.
For Smart, the most sensitive issue is arguably not the size of any individual donation.
It is the combination of her role as a Liberal Democrat MP and her long-standing position as a director of a political trust which has itself provided funding connected with Hazel Grove Liberal Democrats.
The available evidence does not establish a conflict of interest or wrongdoing.
But it does leave an unanswered question about whether Smart took part in the relevant JRRT decisions — and that is something greater transparency could resolve.
For voters in Hazel Grove, Romiley, Marple, Offerton and the surrounding communities, that distinction matters.
A donation being lawful does not mean it should be beyond scrutiny. And scrutiny is not the same thing as an allegation of wrongdoing.
Liberal Democrat MP Lisa Smart received a further £2,000 from a company founded by businessman Safwan Adam several months after the Government ordered one of his companies out of the Home Office asylum accommodation supply chain.
The payment to Smart, the MP for Hazel Grove, was registered in the House of Commons Register of Members’ Financial Interests on 21 October 2025.
The donor was Adam Management Holdings Ltd, a company registered under number 13453522. Parliament records the payment as support linked to an MP but received by a local party organisation or indirectly via a central party organisation.
It was not the first time Smart had received money from the company.
In August 2024, shortly after her election, Smart declared a £5,000 donation from Adam Management Holdings Limited for her general election campaign.
That puts the total declared support from Adam Management Holdings at £7,000.
The significance of the second payment lies in what happened in between.
The asylum accommodation connection
Adam Management Holdings is controlled by Safwan Adam, who is also a director of Stay Belvedere Hotels Ltd.
Companies House records show Adam was appointed a director of Stay Belvedere Hotels on 1 April 2021 and remains an active director.
Stay Belvedere was a subcontractor in the Government’s asylum accommodation system.
On 25 March 2025, the Home Office told Parliament that it had instructed prime contractor Clearsprings Ready Homes to remove Stay Belvedere from its supply chain.
The then Minister for Border Security and Asylum, Angela Eagle, said that “significant elements” of the subcontractor’s behaviour and performance had fallen below what the Government expected from a government supplier. She said the Home Office was also conducting a full audit of its asylum accommodation supply chain.
The Government subsequently confirmed that Stay Belvedere had been responsible for a significant part of the asylum accommodation estate, managing 51 hotels and Napier Barracks in spring 2025.
So by October 2025, when Smart’s further £2,000 payment was registered, the Government’s decision to remove Stay Belvedere from the asylum accommodation supply chain was already a matter of public record.
What the register shows
The parliamentary record establishes a straightforward chronology:
August 2024: Lisa Smart declares £5,000 from Adam Management Holdings Limited for her general election campaign.
25 March 2025: The Government announces that Stay Belvedere Hotels is being removed from the Clearsprings asylum accommodation supply chain following concerns about its behaviour and performance.
21 October 2025: Smart registers a further £2,000 from Adam Management Holdings Ltd.
The two payments total £7,000.
The £2,000 payment is independently recorded in databases drawing on the parliamentary register, including MPFolio and MPData.
What the evidence does not show
There is no evidence in the parliamentary register that the £2,000 payment was connected to asylum policy, Home Office contracting or Stay Belvedere.
Nor does the payment establish that Smart did anything improper.
A political donation, when properly declared, is not evidence of corruption or an improper exchange. The available records do not establish that Smart changed a vote, took an official action or altered her political position because of the money.
The important issue is therefore one of knowledge and due diligence, rather than an allegation of wrongdoing.
By the time the second payment was registered, the Government had publicly announced its decision to remove Stay Belvedere from the asylum accommodation supply chain.
That raises questions about what, if anything, Smart or her representatives knew about Adam Management Holdings’ wider commercial connections when the further donation was accepted.
Did Smart’s office know that Adam Management Holdings was connected to Safwan Adam, a director of Stay Belvedere?
Did the office carry out fresh due diligence before accepting the second payment?
Was the Government’s decision concerning Stay Belvedere considered?
And was the donation discussed in the context of asylum accommodation, Home Office contracts or immigration policy?
Those questions cannot be answered from the register alone.
What the public record can establish is narrower but significant: Lisa Smart declared £5,000 from Adam Management Holdings for her 2024 general election campaign and a further £2,000 from the same company in October 2025 — after the Government had announced the removal of Stay Belvedere Hotels from its asylum accommodation supply chain.
That is the documented connection. The circumstances surrounding the later payment remain a matter for further reporting.
Here at the Romiley Gazette, we use Artificial Intelligence to help with things like researching, writing, and formatting articles. It’s a handy tool that helps us get stories out faster and keep things accurate — but don’t worry, everything still gets a proper human check before it reaches you!